IArab society, from the most ancient times, has consistently been divided into two distinct groups: the Ahl al- Badw, that is, the nomadic Bedouins, and the Ahl al-Hadar, that is, the settled population. In brief, they are also referred to simply as Badw (Bedouins) and Hadar (townsfolk). Additionally, the terms Ahl al-Wabar (“people of wool”) and Ahl al-Madar (“people of clay”) are likewise used for them respectively, since the Bedouins dwell in tents made of wool, while the settled people construct houses of mud and clay. References to these two groups are found not only in very ancient Babylonian, Egyptian, and Assyrian sources, but also in Greek and Roman historical records. It scarcely needs clarification that this division between Bedouin and settled populations is not fundamentally racial, but rather economic and geographical. Wherever agriculture was possible through wells, springs, or rain- fed water, or where groves of date palms guaranteed economic subsistence, permanently settled communities came into being. However, since three-quarters of the Arabian landmass is uncultivable due to acute scarcity of water—and correspondingly supports little animal life, making pure hunting an impossible means of livelihood— the only remaining option was nomadism. That is, rearing animals and continuously moving from one place to another in search of pasture. Most researchers are of the view that primacy belongs to Bedouin life, and that it was from among the Bedouins themselves that certain tribes chose to settle in fertile areas and thus assumed the form of Ahl al-Hadar. Consequently, the settled population is still identified in terms of tribes, which provides a trace of their Bedouin past. Evidence of this transition from nomadism to settlement is also found within the various intermediate stages of nomadic tribes themselves. Thus, between the Bedouin and the settled population, there also exists an intermediate stratum—for example, those Bedouins who, alongside animal husbandry, also engage in agriculture, and those who rear only sheep and goats and therefore remain closer to urban populations. In contrast, camel- herders are more independent, self-willed, and powerful, and are able to penetrate deep into the interior of the desert. These people represent a more intense form of nomadism. This journey from nomadism to settlement continues even today, and in the modern era its pace has accelerated. As a result, the class of camel-herders is steadily diminishing, and the majority of Bedouins are increasingly concentrating on the outer fringes of the desert and joining the ranks of sheep and goat herders. Although this division between Bedouin and settled groups is, in principle, based on economic and geographical foundations, the difference in their ways of life is so fundamental that their cultures evolve along entirely separate lines. Their temperaments, ideas, modes of thought—in short, all the frameworks of life—are completely different from one another. In the eyes of the Bedouins, who are steadily decreasing in number, settled life is a humiliating burden from which they recoil, and they are enamored of a free existence in the vast expanses of the desert. On the other hand, for the Ahl al-Hadar, the very idea of nomadic life is excruciating. They regard the Bedouins as ignorant and uncouth. Bedouins are inherently freedom-loving; no law other than their own tribal code can be imposed upon them. The settled population can be brought under obedience more easily, and among them the prospects for the formation of a state are stronger. In the life of the desert-dwellers, the primary point of reference is blood; land holds a secondary position. The concept of individual ownership of land does not exist among them; rather, specific pastures or springs are considered the collective property of particular tribes, for which the entire tribe is willing to fight to the death. Among the settled population, although tribal affiliations persist as vestiges of the past, the reference to land becomes more prominent, and the concept of individual land ownership also emerges. The wealth of a Bedouin is measured in terms of camels and sheep or goats, whereas among the settled population, wealth is assessed through date orchards and cultivable lands. There is little need to write at length about the life of the Ahl al-Hadar, since they represent agrarian societies with which we are well acquainted. However, it is appropriate to examine the salient features of Bedouin life, because the background of most of ancient Arabic literature is rooted precisely in the lives of these Bedouins. It is a fact that the Bedouin possesses a deep emotional attachment to desert life and an aversion to urban civilization; nevertheless, it would be incorrect to assume that he merely seeks aimless wandering. In reality, his way of life is an entirely logical response to the demands of the desert. In the words of Professor Hitti: “Nomadism is as much a scientific mode of living in the Nufud as Industrialism is in Detroit or Manchester.” With regard to clothing, weapons, and certain other crafts, nomadism must inevitably maintain a connection with settled life. However, the Bedouin has always looked upon agriculture and craftsmanship with contempt, considering them unworthy of manliness. To obtain necessities from the settled population, he either engages in barter or resorts to raiding. Consequently, a combination of the trader and the pirate is found in his character. Raiding (ghazw) is both a necessity and a favored pastime for him. For this reason, inter-tribal conflict remains rife. The Bedouin is at once extremely free and exceedingly bound. Individually, he is hot-tempered, honor-conscious, fiercely independent, blunt-spoken, and quick to anger. Desert life has never allowed him to become subjugated; hence, there exists among him a tendency to live boldly and without inhibition. Even a common tribesman’s meeting with the tribal chief (shaykh/sayyid) is not governed by formal etiquette. Yet, on the other hand, tribal unity is so vital that, like a beehive, the individual’s personal inclinations are rendered meaningless within it. Life in the desert is impossible apart from the tribe; therefore, under all circumstances, one must submit to every tribal decision, no matter how serious one’s personal disagreement with it may be. If the tribe disowns an individual, or if he kills a member of the tribe and flees, the earth and sky become constricted for him. Such a person is termed tarid (outcast). He is compelled to attach himself to another tribe, where he becomes a dakhil (outsider). If a slave is freed, he often affiliates himself, after emancipation, with the very tribe that freed him and is called their mawla; this relationship is termed walaʾ. Besides a freed slave, any other person who does not belong by lineage to a tribe but becomes affiliated with it for any reason is also called a mawla. At times, an entire tribe may affiliate itself with a stronger tribe and be known as its halif (ally). Among the Bedouins, the reference to blood is the most crucial, and like other Semitic groups, they attach immense importance to genealogy. The mention of “son of so-and-so” (ibn fulan) with every person’s name is deemed essential, and the collective lineage of the tribe is traced generation after generation. The tribe generally operates under a patriarchal system and is known by the name “Banu so-and-so.” However, according to Professor Hitti, the attribution of some tribes to female names also indicates traces of an ancient matriarchal system. Due to life under harsh conditions, the Bedouin temperament exhibits roughness and abrasiveness; yet, at the same time, fidelity to covenants, hospitality, and delicate sentiments of love and affection are also integral to his nature. The geographical aspect of Arabia’s isolation has already been mentioned in previous pages, as a result of which the pace of all kinds of change remained negligible here. The characteristics of Bedouin life outlined above appear in exactly the same form in the background of pre-Islamic literature, and even until half a century ago, there had been scarcely any difference in them. Bedouin society remained essentially the same as it had been centuries earlier. However, the influence of the modern age, owing to its scientific means and resources, is unprecedented in the whole of history. Although the representation of ancient Bedouin and settled characteristics still survives to some extent in the vast deserts and small settlements, over the past forty to fifty years the pace of change has suddenly become so rapid that what could not change over centuries is now transforming before one’s eyes. Since the discovery of petroleum, wealth has become widespread, and cities are replete with paved roads, luxury automobiles, air-conditioned houses, modern hotels, and contemporary facilities such as airplanes, telephones, and television. Dependence on dates has ended, and canned fruits, vegetables, milk, and meat are now readily available. Even the desert-dwelling Bedouins—who were attached to nomadism and hostile to settled life—are becoming helpless before the mechanical age. The traditions of nomadism are rapidly disintegrating. Bedouins have begun sending their children to schools, and they themselves are demonstrating considerable proficiency in operating trucks, machinery, and modern equipment of oil companies. As a result, they are gradually contracting toward the desert fringes near cities and are beginning to benefit from modern medical care and, in some cases, amenities such as refrigerators and television. In short, those resilient desert traditions that remained intact for centuries, and through which it was possible even in the modern age to understand ancient Arabic literature with ease, now appear to be guests of only a few remaining days. For details, see:
1. Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1/872–892; “Badw.” 2. Hitti, pp. 23–29 3. Geographical Factors, pp. 38–54, 123 4. “The Nomadic Life Dries Up in Arabia” by Richard Covington, International Herald Tribune, 22 March 1997, still available on the internet, edited and distributed by HURINET (The Human Rights Information Network). [To Be Continued]