In concluding the account of Maulana Islahi’s separation from Jamaat-e-Islami, it seems appropriate to reproduce here the letter he wrote to Maulana Maududi:
“I no longer agree with the present policy, system, and constitution of the Jamaat, and unfortunately, due to certain of your actions, my confidence in you personally has also been shaken. Some sincere members of the Jamaat who were striving for reform have now informed me of their failure and despair. Therefore, with deep regret, I hereby resign from the membership of the Jamaat.
At this moment, I feel comfort and satisfaction in declaring that the affection I have held for this Jamaat, God willing, will remain intact in general. Within this Jamaat are my best friends whose religious devotion and sentiments I greatly value and respect.
I have no personal grievance or complaint against you, and if there is any, I sincerely forgive it. During our fourteen to fifteen years of association, I must have caused you many difficulties; for all of them I most respectfully seek your pardon and request your prayers. If, through any of my words or actions, I have caused grievance to the Jamaat or any other colleague of the Jamaat, I also seek their forgiveness through you.” (Quarterly Tadabbur, July 1998)
New Engagements
Before his journey for Hajj, in January 1958, Mr. Khalid Masud, along with his friend Mahbub Subhani, visited Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi and requested that he spare some of his time for them. They wished to study the Quran from him according to his distinctive method.
At that time, Mr. Khalid Masud was a young science graduate with a family background that inclined him deeply toward religion. He was particularly influenced by Maulana Islahi’s understanding of the Quran. (He was my father-in-law.) I have discussed this subject with him several times. Once, in response to my question, he said that one thing which puzzled him about the Quran was that—even an ordinary book has a coherent style of expression, yet the Quran seemed, at many points, to be a collection of disjointed sayings, lacking apparent coherence. The usual explanations of coherence did not satisfy him. However, after attending Maulana Islahi’s Quranic lectures and reading his interpretive essays, he experienced the pleasant realization that the Quran is indeed an integrated and systematically structured discourse. This deeply impressed him.
Mr. Mahbub Subhani was a journalist and a homeopathic practitioner, affiliated with the daily Mashriq, and by virtue of his link with Jamaat-e-Islami, he had a religious temperament. Mr. Khalid Masud related how he first went to Subhani’s office, and together they approached Maulana Islahi with their request.
Since Maulana already knew them from their participation in his lectures, and recognizing their enthusiasm, he could not refuse. He allotted them time after the Asr prayer. The two men would come daily with their Qurans and stay till Maghrib. During these sessions, casual conversation would take place—but they never got to actual Quran study. Then the Maulana departed for Hajj, and upon his return, both again presented themselves at his doorstep. For nearly three months, the same situation continued. It was, in truth, a test of their perseverance. Seeing their consistency and devotion, one day the Maulana finally said:
“You people are truly persistent! I had thought that this was just a passing enthusiasm that would fade after a few days—this has been my earlier experience with people. But now I see that you are serious about studying. Very well, let us begin our work.”
Mr. Khalid Masud related that from that point, formal teaching began, and their relationship deepened. Some other friends also joined them. The students of that early circle included: Mr. Khalid Masud, Mr. Mahbub Subhani, Mr. Saeed Ahmad, Mr. Salim Kayani, Mr. Mahmood Lodhi, Mr. Muhammad Daud, Mr. Muhammad Ishaq, Mr. Abdullah Ghulam Ahmad, and Mr. Majid Khawar. This marked the beginning of his teaching phase.
Launch of the Monthly Mithaq
During this period, Maulana Islahi continued to contribute to al-Minbar (Faisalabad) and other journals, where portions of his in-progress Quranic commentary Tadabbur-e-Quran were being published. He strongly felt the need for a dedicated journal to serve as a platform for his writings—but he lacked capable assistants.
The arrival of these young men revived his spirit. Among them, he had special confidence in the abilities of Mr. Khalid Masud. Consequently, he decided to launch his own periodical. The first issue of the monthly Mithaq appeared in June 1959.
In its opening article, Tadhkir wa Tadhakkur wa Tabsirah, the Maulana explained the title and purpose of the magazine:
The name Mithaq has not been chosen by chance; it has been selected deliberately. It aptly reflects the purpose for which this journal is being launched. (Monthly Mithaq, June 1959)
He elaborated on the linguistic and Quranic meanings of the term Mithaq, explaining that it denotes the covenant between God and His servants:
This magazine has been started to remind people of that very Mithaq (Covenant), and it is in this sense that it has been so named.
He further stated:
InshaAllah, the approach in every section will be scholarly and research-based. Along with transmitted knowledge, reason too will be accorded the importance it deserves, so that even those ensnared by modern ideologies may derive full benefit. For such intellectuals, this magazine will, InshaAllah, serve as spiritually nourishing and intellectually wholesome food.
In our colleges and religious seminaries, there are many capable and intelligent individuals who wish to understand the Divine Law in the light of the needs of our age—but they find no source to quench their intellectual thirst. I hope the articles in this journal will provide them with valuable intellectual material.
One of the secondary objectives of Mithaq was to introduce the intellectual legacy of his teacher, Maulana Hamiduddin Farahi, to the wider public and to publish his own writings through the same medium. The name Mithaq itself subtly alluded to this connection.
When news spread of the magazine’s launch from Lahore, some circles speculated that Mithaq had been started in opposition to Maulana Maududi. Maulana Islahi clarified:
No one should misunderstand that this journal has been launched to oppose anyone. God forbid, if such a base motive were behind it, I pray that it should not continue for even a single day. Our opposition will be only to false doctrines and erroneous beliefs, wherever they appear. If they seem to have a misleading impact on Islam, they will certainly be critically examined.
Mithaq regularly published installments of Tadabbur-e-Quran under that title, as well as studies of hadith and related scholarly essays. Book reviews appeared under Taqreez wa Tanqeed, and portions of his other works were serialized in their respective titles. His travelogue Safar-e-Hajj, earlier published in al-Minbar, also appeared serially in Mithaq. Occasionally, brief reflections titled Isharat addressed national events, while Murasalat wa Muzakara featured answers to scholarly questions personally written by the Maulana.
Most of Mithaq’s articles were written by Maulana Islahi himself, though regular contributors included Khalid Masud, Dr. Saeed Ramadan, Maulana Abdul Ghaffar Hasan, Maulana Syed Jalaluddin Ansar Umari, and Maulana Ziauddin Ansari.
The articles specially written for Mithaq were later compiled into Maqalat-e-Islahi (Volumes I & II).
The regular column Tadhkirah wa Tabsirah featured scholarly discussions, obituaries, and commentary on politics and current affairs. It was in this section that his critical essay on Maulana Maududi’s article “The Place of Strategy in Religion” appeared—a serious and well-reasoned critique written in a balanced, academic style. As noted earlier, in that essay Maulana Islahi systematically examined each of Maududi’s claims and presented his own position in the light of the Quran and Sunnah.
This exchange ran from July to October 1959. In the same column, Islahi also wrote on national politics, social conditions, and organizational activities. His commentary on the 1964 presidential elections reflected his political thought—revealing that he had little optimism about the sincerity or political wisdom of contemporary leaders. Hence, in those elections, instead of supporting the alliance led by Miss Fatima Jinnah, he favored General Ayub Khan.
Presidential Elections and Maulana Islahi
To understand this matter, it is essential to briefly review the political circumstances of that time.
In October 1958, the country was engulfed in severe political instability. In reality, Iskandar Mirza desired to become the President through constitutional means, but both the cabinet and the administrative machinery detested him. In order to gain support, he appointed several prime ministers in succession, yet none could satisfy him. Eventually, in alliance with the Army Chief, General Muhammad Ayub Khan, he imposed the first martial law in Pakistan’s history. However, within a few weeks, General Ayub Khan took power from him, suspended the Constitution, and banned all political parties. Thus, he assumed direct control of the government. The unanimous Constitution of 1956 was abrogated, and in 1962, he introduced a new one of his own design.
Afterward, Ayub Khan sought to reorganize the political structure of the country and introduced a new system under the name of “Basic Democracies.” Under this system, locally elected representatives were empowered not only to manage municipal matters but also to vote in the presidential election. In January 1965, under this new system, Ayub Khan announced the presidential election. Political parties were restored, and the opposition collectively nominated Miss Fatimah Jinnah as their candidate, which gave the election exceptional political importance. Jamaat-e-Islami was also part of the opposition alliance.
However, Jamaat-e-Islami’s consistent and principled stance had always been that only politicians should lead the country and that the military should have no role in governance. Therefore, although according to Islamic law a woman is ineligible for any ruling position and her real sphere is the home—with no place in political affairs—the Jamaat argued that this was an “exceptional and temporary situation,” and thus, out of necessity, what is otherwise “Haram” (forbidden) could be treated as “Halal” (permissible) for the time being.
The view of Maulana Abul Ala Maududi concerning the role of women in society can be seen in Tafhim al- Quran. After explaining the meanings of verses 32 and 33 of Surah Al-AHzab, he writes:
“In the presence of this clear and explicit command of the Quran, what justification can there be for Muslim women to become members of councils and parliaments, to run about in social activities outside the home, to work with men in government offices, to study alongside boys in colleges, to serve as nurses in male hospitals, to be employed as hostesses in airplanes and trains, or to be sent to America and England for education and training?” (Tafhim al-Quran, 4/90)
Maulana Islahi, though not in favor of military or any other form of authoritarian rule, harbored deep reservations regarding the competence of the politicians—including those of Jamaat-e-Islami. Moreover, his principal objection was: What kind of Islam is this that, in order to “implement” it, one begins by violating it?
All religious parties of the time, including Jamaat-e-Islami, had consistently held that a woman’s political or any form of leadership was absolutely Haram (forbidden) according to the Shariah. Yet now, merely for the sake of political expediency and the pursuit of power, they had compromised their own stance.
Maulana Islahi’s criticism was especially directed at Jamaat-e-Islami, since he still regarded it as his own group and was deeply pained and angered by what he saw as its un-Islamic policies and actions. On this occasion, he wrote a masterful essay in his journal Mithaq entitled “‘Urat ki Imarat aur Jamaat-e-Islami ka Idtirar” (“The Leadership of a Woman and Jamaat-e-Islami’s Necessity”). The sharpness and irony of this essay are rooted in profound sorrow and disappointment. Some portions of it are reproduced below:
At this time, before us lies the two-page statement of Jamaat-e-Islami, explaining the compulsion and necessity that led it—despite deeming a woman’s leadership and presidency Haram according to the Shariah—to enter the field of struggle with all its strength in support of Miss Fatimah Jinnah. The original words of the fatwa issued by the Jamaat’s esteemed scholars are as follows:
‘When the opposition coalition reached the stage of selecting a unanimous candidate for the presidency, we were confronted with a complex situation: four parties agreed upon Miss Fatimah Jinnah, acceptance of whom was difficult for us in light of the Shari injunctions, according to which no woman can be the leader of Muslims. (The use of “muttafiqah alayh” in the feminine form corresponds to Miss Fatimah Jinnah, though the correct form should have been “muttafiqah alayha”—this is likely a scribal error.) Therefore, we made no declaration of agreement or separation from the opposition at that time, so that we might thoroughly examine all aspects of the issue and consult with scholars before reaching a decision. After sufficient deliberation and consultation, the Jamaat has concluded that certain prohibitions established by the Shariah are absolute and eternal, which can never be altered under any circumstance, whereas others may, in cases of severe necessity, be temporarily relaxed within the bounds of need. It is now clear that the prohibition of appointing a woman as ruler is not among the eternal and absolute ones but can be counted among the latter type.’
We have nothing to say about this fatwa; we have already expressed our opinion long ago, and besides, we are not among the people of fatwa. However, we would respectfully request these gentlemen that in all the
literature the Jamaat has published and sold over the years in this country—there is hardly a book in which matters of Halal and Haram have not been discussed with great force—yet in none of them has it been clarified whether the rulings therein are permanent or temporary.
Because of this ambiguity, people face confusion. Just the other day, a gentleman met us and showed us a book written by the Amir of the Jamaat himself, in which the same issue that the Jamaat has now, after much deliberation, reached a new conclusion about, is discussed. In that book, the leadership and presidency of a woman are declared Haram in the light of the Quran and Hadith—even to the extent of criticizing Syedah Ayshah (RA) for her action, which was not for seeking leadership or rule but merely for demanding qisas (retribution) from the killers of ‘Uthman (RA). We tried hard to convince that friend that perhaps this belongs to those prohibitions that are not eternal and absolute, but he could not be satisfied with our answer. Others may face the same confusion. Therefore, if our suggestion is worth consideration, these honorable gentlemen should print in red ink on all their books the date until which each book remains authoritative, and from which date it should be regarded as superseded.
In foreign countries, medicines and edible products come in sealed bottles and tins bearing such expiry instructions, which greatly help consumers. If the Jamaat were to adopt this method, people would be saved from confusion, and it would, by its novelty and uniqueness, earn a distinguished place in the history of religious literature—our future generations would count it among the original contributions of the Jamaat. For example, the Jamaat’s literature includes a book titled Pardah (Veil), which simple-minded members of the Jamaat still read and admire, though after Miss Fatimah Jinnah’s candidature it has become quite outdated. Similarly, there must be many other such works that will now confuse people unnecessarily and continually invite objections upon the Jamaat. (Maqalat-e-Islahi, 1/119–121)
[To Be Continued…]