In his childhood memories, Mawlānā also vividly recalls that his grandfathers wanted to groom him to become a clerk. Despite his deep love for his grandfather, he strongly disliked the idea of becoming a clerk. The reason for his aversion was his admiration for the esteemed position and respect that scholars held in his home and community. He aspired to attain a similar position and status. Mawlānā explains, “Because of Mawlawī Shiblī, Mawlawī Ḥamīd Uddīn , and Mawlawī Shiblī Motakallim, our family was recognized as a family of religious scholars. This distinction granted them a unique status within the community.” He further recounted that during his school days, when Mawlānā recited verses from Saadi’s Karīmā, people would listen attentively, appreciating his recitation. Some would even request him to recite these verses. He would melodiously sing the following verses: “O Forgiver, have mercy on us, for I am a prisoner of the captivity of desire. None other than You can hear our pleas. Only You, the Forgiver of sinners, can grant us pardon. Guard us from straying onto the path of error, forgive our missteps, and guide us rightly.”
People not only listened attentively to him but also joined in singing the verses. Speaking about these Karima verses, Mawlānā remarked, “For a while, we remained captivated by these verses, but as we grew older, we realized that it contains the essence of mysticism.” He was likely referring to the words “asīr e kamand e hawā” (captive of desire).
Rajpoot, the children of rulers, are considered the elite of India, enjoying a superior status in society politically, religiously, and socially. Thus, the sense of priority among them is quite natural. Commenting on this situation, Mawlānā noted that although changes in times may have diminished their societal values and social status, or other nations may have emerged to challenge their supremacy, their sense of superiority remained steadfast.
His association with the Local Hindu Community Discussing religious conservatism in the social conditions of that time, Mawlānā explained, “We used to actively participate in Hindu customs and rituals, such as weddings and other ceremonies, and they would reciprocate by attending ours. This cultural integration between the two communities was well-preserved.” Muslims did not partake in Hindu religious ceremonies, but Hindus attended Eid al-Azḥā celebrations by Muslims. During this occasion, they would don traditional attire like Muslims, including large turbans, a distinctive dress of Rajpoot Hindus. They would also exchange gifts with Muslims. Mawlānā did not recall any childhood or adolescent memories indicating animosity or bitterness between Hindus and Muslims, despite both communities belonging to the same fraternity from which Mawlānā’s ancestors had embraced Islam. The conversion of religion did not breed enmity or hatred. According to Mawlānā, the conversion merely changed their beliefs and informed them about what is lawful (Ḥalāl) and unlawful (Ḥarām). There was no shift in social and cultural dynamics, customs, and traditions. Instead, as Mawlānā asserted, the sense of pride and superiority, reminiscent of the Rajputs, was present among Muslims as well. Mawlānā acknowledged a significant transformation in this regard during his time at the Madrasah. He stated, “I had a sense of pride. Mawlānā Ḥamīd Uddīn helped me overcome it.”
Reflecting on his teacher’s sensitivity to this matter, Mawlānā added, “We observed that he would refer to his sons as Mirza, one as Mughal, and one as Shahid Khan, which signifies Pathan. I found it very intriguing.” One day, they inquired about the reason behind this practice. He explained, “I gave them these names considering their temperaments.” He believed that each nation possesses a specific temperament reflected in the conduct of its individuals.
Upon settling in Azamgarh, he refused to remain inactive, displaying his virtuosity as a blessed scholar (faizyab hasti). Wherever he went, he catalyzed growth and transformation, akin to orchards flourishing and rivers flowing in abundance. The idea of establishing Dār al-Muṣannifīn was already germinating in his mind, a vision he successfully translated into reality. Notably, he transformed National High School into Shiblī College and simultaneously harbored the ambition to establish Madrasah Iṣlāḥ al-Muslimīn. The catalyst behind this ambition lay in the Nadwah incident, which had left him disheartened. Shiblī was not the kind of person to live a life of idleness; he embodied a dynamic force. Recognizing the necessity for a religious school in the area, he shifted his focus to the realization of Madrasah al-Islāh.
Mawlānā refuted the presence of any social movement targeting the removal of social deprivation, conflict, or oppression. He believed that the social structure of his society was firmly bound by the values of peace, harmony, and brotherhood.
The Background of the Establishment of Madrasah al-Iṣlāḥ Mawlānā discussed the establishment of Madrasah al-Iṣlāḥ specifically while narrating the story of his admission to it. He delved into the incidents and events that paved the way for the establishment of the Madrasah, highlighting the crucial role played by Mawlānā Shiblī in its founding. Mawlānā explained Shiblī’s eagerness for this role, recounting the series of life-altering events that influenced Shiblī’s decision.
Shiblī Nu‘mānī relocated to Azamgarh after a period of extensive travel across various cities, seeking stability. He had relinquished all his previous engagements, particularly those in Lucknow, and had even suffered the amputation of a leg. This, however, was not a mere metaphorical statement—Shiblī had literally undergone this amputation. Subsequently, he faced another unfortunate incident in Kanpur. The mental turmoil caused by the restrictions imposed by religious scholars deeply affected him. Additionally, he had to cope with the loss of his brother. All these life-changing events left a profound impact on every aspect of his life, including his poetic endeavors.
These accounts aren’t mere sentences; they are intricate metaphors that vividly depict the painful past events and anticipate future occurrences. The depth of these succinct statements is undeniable.
Following the humiliating defeat of 1857, the intellectual elite of the Muslim community in the subcontinent realized that armed struggle was not the path to improving their circumstances. This realization birthed three distinct schools of thought. The first materialized as Dārul ‘Ulūm Deoband in 1866. According to Javed Ahmad Ghamdi, one school of thought believed that understanding religion purely from the Qur’ān and Sunnah, adhering to the principles of their specific school of thought and the guidance of their elders, was essential. They dismissed the idea of adopting the Western civilization and its sciences as beneficial for the religious community. Prominent leaders of this school included Qasim Nanotvi, Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, Mahmood ul Hassan Deobandi, Anwar Shah Kāshmiri, Hussain Ahmad Madani, Ashraf Ali Thanvi, and Shabbir Ahmad Usmani (Selected Essays of Javed Ahmed Ghamdi 55).
In opposition to these two groups, Mawlānā Shiblī introduced a third school of thought. Discussing the fundamental principles of this school, Javed Ahmad Ghamdi writes: “The group subscribed to two fundamental principles: first, the best method of development was to trace back to the time when the Holy Qur’ān was revealed and the divine messenger directly communicated his message to his audience. The other principle emphasized staying current with modern developments while maintaining a strong connection with our past, similar to how one values anything old.
This group was countered by another faction that viewed Western civilization and its sciences as the standard for truth and falsehood, which had led to the downfall of the Muslim community. They believed that success could only be achieved by embracing not only knowledge and science but also the culture and development of Britain. This group was led by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, who established Muhamadan Anglo and Oriental College in Aligarh in 1857.
The leaders of this group included Syed Sulaiman Nadavi, Abū al-Kalam Azad, Abū al-Ala Moududi, Ḥamīd ul Din Farāhī, and Amin Ahsan Iṣlāḥī. I refer to this group as ‘Dabistan e Shiblī’ (Muqamat, 55).”
Thus, Shiblī initiated his academic journey as a student of Maulvi Farooq Chiryakoti. Under this mentor, he developed a deep respect for Imām Abū Ḥanīfah, adopting the title of Nu’mānī as part of his name. Although law was the most renowned and prominent discipline of his time, his passionate nature drove him beyond the confines of just the Fiqh of Imām Abū Ḥanīfah. The legal profession did not entirely satisfy him. Impressed by his remarkable abilities, Sir Syed Ahmad hired him as a teacher for his institution. Out of dedication to academic pursuits and respect for his association with Sir Syed Ahmad, Shiblī continued teaching at Aligarh College until Sir Syed’s passing.
Mawlānā Shiblī shared Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s belief that the survival and progress of their community depended on education. However, their political and social beliefs diverged, as reflected in the words of Syed Sulaiman Nadvi,
In his pursuit of knowledge, he taught Arabic to Professor Arnald and, in return, learned Persian from him. He then journeyed to Europe, visiting Egypt and Arab countries. In addition to delving into a vast ocean of knowledge, he gained practical exposure to the world of his time. He met notable figures such as Muhammad Abdah of Egypt and Sultan Abdul Ḥamīd II of Turkey.
The British rulers in India exploited existing differences, particularly linguistic and cultural, between Muslims and Hindus. They replaced Persian with Urdu in government offices and, at Fort William College, developed a new language curriculum, associating Urdu with Muslims and Hindi with Hindus. This deliberate differentiation, they believed, gradually fragmented the unity that had developed one of Shiblī’s capable students. They perceived that when a foreign power occupied a nation, the most effective strategy to maintain authority was to sow discord among the people and classes of the occupied nation.
Mawlānā Shiblī’s lack of interest in Sir Syed’s Aligarh movement was also influenced by Sir Syed’s authoritarian nature, which contrasted with Shiblī’s strong sense of integrity and democratic temperament. This divergence in their political, managerial, and intellectual perspectives was apparent in various aspects of their beliefs and actions.
over centuries among the people of India (Hayāt e Shiblī, 400-401).
Mawlānā Shiblī and Syed Sulaiman Nadvi viewed Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s two-nation theory and the Urdu-Hindi conflicts as a British conspiracy against the national unity of Indians. They also believed that Sir Syed Ahmad Khan played a role in the success of this conspiracy.
They held contrasting views with Sir Syed Ahmad Khan regarding religious interpretations and policy, as detailed in Ḥayāt e Shiblī. Notable among these differences was their interpretation of Umar Farooq. While Sir Syed saw him as a representative of the government and sultanate of a divine messenger, Shiblī viewed him as a person possessing qualities of excellence. They also differed on the approach to assimilating into English culture. Sir Syed believed in thorough assimilation into English culture, excluding religion, as a remedy for the difficulties faced by Muslims. Conversely, Shiblī stressed the importance of preserving true Islamic beliefs and ethics while embracing beneficial aspects of the modern era.
Their differences also extended to their perspectives on progress. Shiblī emphasized going back to the time of the Companions as the key to progress for Muslims, a view that displeased Sir Syed, who advocated moving forward in line with English culture. This disagreement led to sharp criticism from Sir Syed (Ḥayāt e Shiblī 268).
Moreover, when Sir Syed asked Shiblī to translate his commentary on the Qur’ān, Shiblī declined due to a busy schedule. When asked to suggest Imām Farāhī, his nephew and student, for the translation, both Shiblī and Farāhī refused. Farāhī cited ethical reasons, refusing to cooperate in the publication of what he perceived as falsehood (Ḥayāt e Shiblī 268).
Shiblī vested his hopes and dreams in this institution. Eminent scholars from various schools of thought across India, including Deoband, participated in the council of Nadwah.
For example, while Sir Syed staunchly opposed the Indian National Congress, Shiblī viewed it as a symbol of national unity and a crucial tool for pressuring the British government to address Indian demands. Sir Syed advocated for Hindu-Muslim unity and remained committed to this stance until his death.
Despite these differences, Shiblī maintained an association with Sir Syed due to the latter’s excellent upbringing and nobility, which were exemplary even by today’s standards. However, this association did not negate the fact that Shiblī belonged to a different philosophical thought and ideology from that of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. This contrast in their ideologies was also evident in Shiblī’s involvement with institutions like Jamia Usmania of Hyderabad and Nadwah al-Ulamā of Lucknow. Shiblī’s academic accomplishments at Aligarh College solidified his reputation as an exceptional poet, writer, critic, and prodigious scholar in the fields of religion and education across India. After leaving Aligarh College, he accepted the position of advisor at Jamia Usmania at the request of the Governor of Hyderabad.
Nadwah al-Ulma was established in 1992, primarily initiated by alumni of Aligarh University in Kanpur. These scholars opposed the ideology of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, believing that educational institutions influenced by his ideas were detrimental to Muslims due to their one-directional policy. They believed it was crucial to unite religious scholars on a single platform to provide Muslims with accurate educational and religious guidance. Shiblī joined this initiative with an impressive speech during its inaugural meeting.
The institution held biennial meetings, and Shiblī consistently participated with great enthusiasm. The scholars eventually decided to establish a moderate Dārul ‘Ulūm based on both modern and traditional ideologies. However, the practical establishment of Dārul ‘Ulūm occurred during the fourth meeting, leading to the formation of Nadwah al-Ulamā in 1998, six months after the death of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan.
These are the specifics of Mawana’s account: “Shiblī Nu’mānī relocated to Azamgarh after becoming weary of his frequent moves to various cities. He made the decision to settle there, leaving behind all his engagements—especially those he was involved in while in Lucknow.”
They believed that through unity and consensus, Nadwah could become a significant educational institution not only for the Indian subcontinent but also for the entire Muslim world. Consequently, in 1905, Shiblī became a part of this institution as its secretary.
When the institution was initially established, there was no resistance. However, as signs of development began to emerge, opposition from various religious scholars suddenly surfaced, as predicted by Nawab Muhsin al-Mulk. Shiblī realized that Nadwah was not entirely aligned with his vision, particularly in the matter of including English as a subject in the curriculum. While the general public was no longer prohibited from learning English by that time, religious scholars considered it a grave sin. Shiblī believed it was mandatory for everyone. He also sought to include Sanskrit and Hindi in language studies, but these proposals were rejected. Despite the criticisms and objections he faced, Shiblī, as the secretary, managed to incorporate these languages into the syllabus.
As he continued his reform efforts, Shiblī encountered opposition from a group of jealous individuals and opponents who accused him of being an agent of Sir Syed and of eliminating symbols of Islam. These critics labeled him responsible for eroding Islamic values and employing rationality in religion, which they deemed contrary to the principles of ‘Sawad-e-Azam.’ Despite his sincerity and dedication to human dignity, Shiblī was disheartened by this unfair criticism. Eventually, he resigned from the journal of the Madrasah in 1912, which had transformed into a university by that time, and then from Darul ‘Ulum in 1913. His departure prompted protests from admirers across the country, and students expressed their dismay. Mawlānā Khalil ul Rahman, who held traditional views, was appointed as manager of Nadwah, a decision at odds with the fundamental principles and objectives of Nadwah. This marked a significant turning point in the institution’s trajectory.
The Kanpur incident and the chaining of religious scholars reveal that the Indian government opted to widen a road in Kanpur city within the U.P. state in 1913. The map showed the removal of a mosque situated in Machli Bazar as part of the expansion project. When Muslims voiced their objections, the English government decided to limit the demolition to the eastern part of the mosque, which included washrooms. They also pledged to provide a replacement for this portion of the mosque. Some impassioned Muslims did not accept this decision and proceeded to file a court case, but the court ruled against their plea. Subsequently, the government demolished the eastern section of the mosque and initiated road construction. The Muslim community resolved to rebuild the demolished segment of the mosque. When they began moving the road equipment, the security forces responded with gunfire.
Mawlānā Iṣlāḥī then recounted the incident in which Shiblī lost his leg. The incident unfolded when Mawlānā attended a gathering in Azamgarh on May 17, 1907. After coming from his office to the drawing room, he sat on a chair and extended his legs. Beneath the seat was a gun. His son Ḥamīd Hassan had purchased the gun to ward off crows that were damaging fruit in his garden. The gun was loaded. Mawlānā attempted to hand it over to his daughter-in-law for safekeeping. However, in the process, he accidentally triggered the gun. Although the gun’s muzzle was pointed downwards, the opening of the muzzle was facing his feet, and that too at a distance of several inches. According to Sulaiman Nadvi, Mawlānā’s foot was crushed, hanging by only two straps from his shin. While trying to remove it, the ankle got stuck in the shoe. Consequently, the foot had to be amputated from the shin. Mawlānā lived the rest of his life with an artificial leg.
The accident had a significant impact on Mawlānā’s life and compelled him to stay in Azamgarh for 3 months. Mawlānā Iṣlāḥī referred to this stay as itikaf. During this period, Shiblī composed poetry and reconsidered his future plans. Mawlānā Iṣlāḥī particularly admired the following verse by Shiblī: Shiblī, burdened by sin, suffered the loss of his leg as atonement. Nevertheless, a celestial decree declares that this is insufficient and calls for his head.
Although the Muslims’ emotions were running high, and their decision was against the law, the government’s reaction was excessively harsh. The incident resulted in numerous casualties, including children. Shiblī composed an extensive poem about the incident. Due to his injured leg, he could not join the protest at that time, as he was in Bombay for medical treatment. Mawlānā Iṣlāḥī commended the following verses from Shiblī’s poem:
The details regarding Shiblī’s brother’s passing and the transformation of the school into a college uncover that Mawlawī Ishaq was the younger brother of Shiblī Nu’mānī. He was a successful lawyer and a political activist, affiliated with the Muslim League. However, he vehemently opposed separate elections, considering them a British government conspiracy against national unity. Similar to Shiblī, he believed in this stance. He purposefully kept Shiblī away from family and household matters to enable him to focus on his academic and political pursuits uninterrupted. On August 5, 1914, Mawlawī Ishaq passed away, leaving Shiblī in one of the most profound shocks of his life. Though Shiblī had already settled in Azamgarh, his brother’s demise compelled him to stay there permanently. Despite the profound grief over his brother’s death, he undertook the unfinished matters that his deceased brother had left behind.
عجب کیا ہے جو نو خیزوں نے سب سے پہلے جانیں دیں
کہ بچے ہیں سویرے ان کو سوجانے کی عادت ہے
شهیدان وفا کی خالہ سے آتی ہیں آوازیں
کہ شبلی بمبئی میں رہکے محروم سعادت ہے
“It’s not surprising that children were the first to sacrifice their lives. After all, they are the ones who go to sleep early. The voices echoing from the souls of the devoted martyrs affirm that Shiblī’s absence from Bombay has denied him a profound blessing”.
Following the 1910 gathering, Shiblī penned a letter to Farāhī, inviting him to Sarai Mir for a few days to enhance the organizational performance. Reflecting on this letter and Farāhī’s visit, Iṣlāḥī reported that the organizational efficiency began to improve.
The Shiblī family had established a modest educational establishment called the National School in Sarai Mir. The institution received government backing. However, for undisclosed reasons, it was downgraded from a high school to a middle school. Mawlawī Ishaq took charge and successfully reinstated the institution to the high school level. He shared with his brother his aspiration to elevate the institution to the status of a college. Following his brother’s passing, Shiblī took on the responsibility to fulfill this vision. Tragically, before accomplishing this objective, Shiblī passed away. The Shiblī family persisted in their efforts, and in accordance with Shiblī’s wishes, they ultimately succeeded in transforming it into Shiblī College in 1940. Mawlānā was discussing this institution.
The account of the establishment of Dar al-Musannifīn and Madrasah al- Iṣlāḥ unfolds with the formation of an association called Iṣlāḥ al-Muslimīn (Reformation of Muslims) in 1906 AD near Phariha village, initiated by Mawlānā Ḥamīd Uddīn Farāhī’s relatives and other compassionate Muslims. This association became a platform where religious scholars from across the country would periodically address the public. Eminent scholars such as Sanaullah Amritsari and Abdulhaq Haqqani were active participants in these gatherings. In 1909, the association evolved into Madrasah al-Iṣlāḥ, with the construction of a small building containing unfurnished rooms.
As the institution gained popularity, Shiblī Nu’mānī was summoned to lead the Madrasah due to increased interest. During that period, Shiblī was situated in Nadwah. He organized a significant gathering and invited Mawlānā Ubaidullah Sindhi as the chief guest. Mawlānā Sindhi’s presence was linked to Imām Ḥamīd al-Din Farāhī, who was teaching in Karachi under Shiblī’s guidance. Imām Ḥamīd al-Din Farāhī frequently met with Mawlānā Sindhi for Qur’ānic education during his time in Karachi. This gathering helped enhance the organization’s reputation, extending its influence to neighboring regions.
Today, I must persuade the director of education to decide in your favor. I perceive this as the final step. Even if a favorable decision is reached, I believe it should align with national service. However, this endeavor requires financial backing, which we will arrange according to the needs. Ultimately, our shared ambitions align. Principalship and substantial salaries may be temporary, but this service holds a lasting impact (Maktūbāt e Shiblī, Ḥamīd 67).
Shiblī took the step to remove the Madrasah’s administrator, Maulvi Faiz-ul-Hasan, due to numerous complaints against him (as mentioned by Mawlānā Sulaiman Nadvi). Shiblī reached out to two more intelligent and capable students, Abdul Rahman Nagrami and Mu‘īn Uddīn , from Nadva. Nagrami, whom Iṣlāḥī later introduced as his Arabic teacher, will have his details discussed shortly.
Upon leaving Nadwa, Shiblī decided to connect his aspirations with this educational institution. Therefore, prior to the passing of his brother Mawlawī Ishaq, he penned a significant letter to Hāmīd Uddīn Farāhī. During this time, Farāhī was in Hyderabad, and his selection process was underway with Shiblī’s endorsement. The circumstances strongly suggest that Farāhī adhered to Shiblī’s guidance throughout his life regarding employment and involvement with educational establishments. In his writing, Shiblī expressed: The debate centers on whether our national strength should be centralized in Siraj-e-Meer or Azamgarh. I believe our nation is not robust enough to endure such concentration. At the very least, we should strive for both institutions to maintain their connection and distinctive status. Sometimes, I contemplate that one of these establishments should be designated as a hub for religious and secular education. It should focus on nurturing religious scholars dedicated to serving the faith and act as a center for advanced religious education—a unified group, so to speak. I value your perspective on this notion. If we encounter resistance in implementing our plans at Nadva, we should explore alternative strategies. We should reside and operate collectively. Additionally, the facility should house a well-stocked library. If you’re committed to this project, I am here to provide guidance.
Mawlānā Ḥamīd Farāhī relinquished his position in Hyderabad to dedicate his entire life to this cause. Making education and the dissemination of the Holy Qur’ān its primary objective, Farāhī crafted a specific curriculum for the institution. Thus, just as Allah intended, Shiblī’s dreams regarding the establishment of a Madrasah were realized in his final days. These were the events that Mawlānā has briefly referred to, emphasizing that the detailed account of these events is in your hands!
Subsequently, after the passing of Mawlawī Ishaq, Shiblī returned to Azamgarh to consolidate the dispersed responsibilities. Having solidified the plan in his mind, a plan discussed with Farāhī, he commenced the search for a capable educator to lead the organization established in Sarai Mir. When Imām Ḥamīd inquired why he wasn’t willing to lead the institution, he responded in a letter dated September 21, 1914: Due to my physical weakness and a shattered heart, I am unable to efficiently lead the Sarai Mir institution. Please consider appointing someone else. I am willing to offer assistance wherever possible (Makātīb e Shiblī, Ḥamīd 75).
After careful consideration, he invited Mawlawī Masood Ali to Azamgarh in October 1914, who then appointed Mawlawī Shiblī Mutakallam for this role. Shiblī envisioned the establishment of a comprehensive and excellent Islamic university by amalgamating Darul Muṣannifīn, Darul Takmīl, and Siraj-e-Meer. To realize this vision, he summoned his students. Unfortunately, when his students arrived, Mawlānā Shiblī was on his deathbed. Three days after Shiblī’s passing, Mawlānā Farāhī assembled a team from among Shiblī’s pupils, titled Ikhwan al-Safa, with the objective of completing the unfinished projects of Mawlānā Shiblī. The team included individuals such as Mawlawī Mas’ūd Ali Nadvi, Mawlawī Shiblī Mutakallam Nadvi, and Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, alongside Farāhī.
Mawlānā Ḥamīd Farāhī relinquished his position in Hyderabad to dedicate his entire life to this cause. Making education and the dissemination of the Holy Qur’ān its primary objective, Farāhī crafted a specific curriculum for the institution. Thus, just as Allah intended, Shiblī’s dreams regarding the establishment of a Madrasah were realized in his final days. These were the events that Mawlānā has briefly referred to, emphasizing that the detailed account of these events is in your hands!